This article investigates the dynamics and politics of citizenship in Djibouti, where the issue of who qualifies as a citizen has long been controversial. While debates about citizenship and exclusion in Africa frequently centre on the legacies of colonialism and the incompleteness of the African state, this article attributes the problems of citizenship to the logic of sovereignty and the nature of the modern state.
Drawing on archival and ethnographic research, the article shows how Djiboutian citizenship in both the colonial and post-colonial era can be seen as graduated, assigning some groups more rights and protection than others. For those near the bottom of this ladder, the rights of citizenship do not emanate solely from legal frameworks, but from incorporation into patron—client relationships.
No official statistics Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction to document their numbers, and the article draws on interviews to illustrate the problems faced by Djibouti's stateless population. O n 8 M ay a small pamphlet was published in P aris. The pamphlet began by addressing the people of Djibouti as Djiboutian without mentioning the particularity of ethnic affiliation: Brothers and sisters of the capital, circles of Ali Sabih, Tadjourah, Dichili and Obock, let's give thanks to the Almighty and Merciful God, because here we are finally reunited for freedom.
Here is a new nation that rose in peace, unity and Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction. Yes, here is finally the free and independent Djibouti. Yes, Djibouti will live as a free and independent nation; here is the fruit of your victory. It declared tribalism the enemy of the new independent nation, contrary to the spirit of independence, and a tactic employed by those opposed to the sovereignty of the nation.
By contrast, national unity was characterized as a phenomenon that could withstand all challenges to its stability.
The new politics of Djibouti declared by President Hassen Gouled envisioned a path-breaking way forward for the young nation. The President advocated that the new nation should rely on hard work and the creation of a community of workers. A programme of national service was expected to "Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction" national consciousness, based on respect for and from the different cultural and linguistic heritages of the country.
In addition, the new national leaders hoped that the post-colonial state of Djibouti would rise above what its new President referred to as tribal elitism. At the threshold of independence, Djibouti was enmeshed in bitter strife between the three main ethnic communities, namely the Afars, the Arabs, and the Issa Somali.
Various claims were put forward as to whose nation this was, who constituted the majority, and who should be in power. Drawing on archival and ethnographic research in Djibouti, this article analyses the historical and contemporary debates on citizenship in that country. Approaching citizenship as a historically contingent, interaction vehicle of articulation, conflict and dialogue, 5 I follow Joel Migdal in seeing citizenship not as homogeneous and fixed but as a graduated entity.
It takes into account informal discussion that circulates around the degree and realness of people's affiliation to the state. Who is part of the nation? Who has rights to be citizens? And who are real citizens? In other words, citizenship is seen as incorporating some groups of people more than others.
In Djibouti, in both the colonial and post-colonial periods, this has been Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction chief characteristic. Focusing on continuity, the article argues against a view which sees difference between the colonial and post-colonial nation states. In this regard the argument is directed toward the work of Partha Chatterjee, 7 who has argued that the post-colonial nation state operates on a process of normalization while the colonial state uses the logic of difference in its rule.
In the case of Djibouti, popular sovereignty and the political legal facts that are used to express this sovereignty have not produced a citizenry of equals.
Below, following a discussion of citizenship in Africa I present the empirical material in chronological order. First, I discuss the situation of citizenship in the colonial period. Then I deal with the transition that leads to the independence of Djibouti, before turning to analyse the problems surrounding citizenship in the post-independence years. I conclude the article by looking at the theoretical implications that follow from the empirical material.
Recently, citizenship in Africa has become a topic for scholarly investigation. In wide-ranging survey, Bronwen Manby 12 shows that close to one million people in the continent are excluded from the state where they reside, allegedly on grounds of being foreigners and thus not proper citizens.
By virtue of being considered as foreigners, thousand of people across the continent have been subjected to arbitrary detention and mass expulsion. In some extreme cases, as in Sierra Leone, those considered foreigners have become victims of violence. This article, however, has a slightly different take on the root cause of the problem of citizenship.
In much of the literature the reason for the current state of affairs is attributed to colonialism and to the incompleteness of the African state. In this regard, for example, Sara Dorman, Daniel Hammett, and Paul Nugent argue that the distinction between insider and outsider Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction the case of African nationalism is not only related to the nature of nationalism itself but to the fact that African states are under construction — while the economic distress of African societies is a further and obvious cause of exclusion.
According to Geschiere, it is the sense of rootedness, coupled with economic problems, that leads to the problem of citizenship, as expressed through the rhetoric of expelling those who are considered as immigrants. In this article I attribute the problems surrounding issues of citizenship to the logic of sovereignty and state, rather than the peculiarity of the African state or the sense of rootedness.
It is undoubtedly true that African states are under construction, and a comparison between the forms of state in Europe and Africa shows signs of diversions and can lead to arguments that attribute citizenship problems to the unfinished nature of the African state. However, if we Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction not at the state form, but at the common dominator that creates similarity between African and European states, namely the presence of a sovereign power that ultimately takes decisions, the problem of citizenship in Africa becomes not something that can be attributed simply to the state form; one must also consider the logic of sovereignty that exists in each state, irrespective of its institutional form and development.
By adopting a Schmittian notion of the state, I seek to rescue the contemporary analysis of African citizenship from the tendency to anchor the problem in a juxtaposition of the African and European state forms, and thus almost inevitably to conclude that the problem emerges because African states are not like true European states.
Carl Schmitt, shying away from a mechanical and liberal definition of the state, asserted that the state is not defined by a set of rules or the coercive force of power but by the presence of a community of people that distinguish themselves from others. Furthermore, Schmitt argued for the attribution of sovereignty to the person who decides upon the exception.
Schmitt's notion of sovereignty has been elaborated recently by the political philosophy of Giorgio Agamben. Seen in this light, the problem of citizenship in Africa is not only an African problem that relates to the colonial history of Africa. Rather it relates to the "Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction" of the modern nation state itself. It is for this reason that we see similar kinds of problems not only in Africa but also in Europe where historically, as in the case of Nazi Germany or more recently in the French expulsion of the Roma, people considered to be lesser citizens are excluded.
As we shall see below, during both the colonial and post-colonial periods some categories of people have been made to lead depoliticized lives.
Although French interest in the area of present-day Djibouti can be dated back to the middle of the nineteenth century, the first effective colonization Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction in He was responsible for the defence and administration of the territory, as well as its external relations; he also had the power to expel people and declare a state of emergency.
Although he was the supreme leader of the territory, the governor was aided by a conseil d'administration whose role was limited to advising the governor. Both considered as French nationals, the citoyen and the sujet differed, however, in terms of citizenship rights.
These were the racially white French settlers who came to dominate the colonized people. Legally speaking they were both French nationals and citizens of France. They were deprived of political rights as they could not vote or represent themselves in the French Parliament or other administrative bodies.
The law that governed issues such as marriage and divorce was also differentiated from legislation regulating these matters in the metropolis. Despite falling within the same category as French nationals, they were the exception within the French law. This was justified Ismail omar guelleh wife sexual dysfunction reference to civilizational differences, such as religion and marriage habits.
In addition, the creation of exceptions within the same category was justified in terms of preserving the culture and civilization of the French subject. In Djibouti, until the aftermath of the Second World War, the indigenous, therefore, were embedded in the category of exception.
Directly administered by a French governor, they were without the defining elements of citizenship, such as the ability to vote. This situation changed, however, following a decree that extended the rights of citizenship.